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The Oliva Treaty of 1660, which ended the Second Northern War, does not evoke such emotions as other historical events of Polish history. For example, the 600th anniversary of the victory of Grunwald (Tannenberg) was celebrated this year on May 3rd, which is the official Polish holiday to commemorate Constitution Day, and yet, the Oliva Treaty anniversary which falls on the same date, was not noted. One of the reasons for this is likely the fairly abstract manner in which the treaty was negotiated during an international congress and in a similar, but substantially different form from the Treaty of Westphalia, although it was its 'continuation' after 12 years. Another reason is the assessment of the treaty made by historians starting from Ludwik Kubala,[1] whose opinion is, from my point of view, untenable. Moreover, the Oliva Treaty was also not popularized and dramatized by Henryk Sienkiewicz – author of popular historical novels, among others The Trilogy[2] – which for Poles is a primary 'source' of those times, after all. Good historical works created in a scientific style could not popularize and explain the issues connected with the Oliva Treaty to the general public, despite the magnitude of works and source materials collected. For instance, Kazimierz Piwarski wrote about the Treaty in a dissertation »Polska w okresie drugiej wojny północnej« [‘Poland during the Second Northern War’] issued in 1957 as a part of the compilation of historic articles. He is of the opinion that the Oliva Treaty »finally ended a period of the Swedish Deluge, the period of the Swedish attack on Poland, which through the efforts of all patriotic elements of the Polish nation, especially the common people, ended with repelling invaders from the Polish territory.«[3]

  1

All historians who wrote about the negotiations of the Oliva Treaty – truthfully – emphasized the extremely difficult political situation of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Wacław Potocki, a poet, wrote in an epigram »Czuj! Stary pies szczeka« [»Watch out! The old dog barks«] on the situation in Poland and the Tsardom of Muscovy that occupied Vilnius: »The Tsardom of Myscovy has conquered Kiev and Transdnieper and despite quarrels and battles is willing to conquer even Lithuania«. Moreover, Potocki wrote about the ruinous economic situation in Poland: »I ask, how in such a terrible destruction of our homeland / They [military] may demand for money?« [...] »There is nothing at the royal treasury?« But looking back in time, historians (for example Professor Z. Wójcik) recognized the treaty »not as the defeat but as a failure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.«[4] In the same monograph by Professor Wójcik you can find the following statement: »The most important provision of the Treaty was a renouncement by King John II Casimir Vasa of Poland of his claim to the throne of Sweden, a claim that was de facto lost after the end of the sixteenth century.« However, John II Casimir, retained the royal title for life. A considerably better assessment of the treaty is given by contemporary British historian R.I. Frost,[5] when he writes about the  »apparently favorable terms of Oliva, which granted Sweden nothing it had not possessed de facto already [...].«

  2

Participating in the Congress were the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Sweden, the Holy Roman Empire, Brandenburg, and, in addition, at different stages of negotiations also representatives of Denmark, of the Netherlands, of Jakob von Kettler, Duke of Courland, of Philipp Wilhelm, Prince of Neuburg, (but his representatives were not allowed due to objections of the Elector of Brandenburg) and of France. The whole congress was overseen by the French diplomat Antoine de Lumbres, Lord Herbinghen,[6] and thanks to his memoirs we have a first-hand record of the events[7] relating to the Peace of Oliva. Materials are also available from his rival, Baron Franz von Lisola, the imperial envoy.[8] The Abbot of Oliva Alexander Kęsowski hosted the parties. Envoys had separate entrances, so that the Poles and the Swedes didn’t meet, and only the French envoy could mediate between them.

  3

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was represented at the Congress by the two chancellors Mikołaj Prażmowski, Great Chancellor of the Crown, and Krzysztof Zygmunt Pac, Great Chancellor of Lithuania (he also represented the interests of the Duke of Courland, Jakob von Kettler), Jan Leszczynski, governor of the Poznan province, Jerzy Sebastian Lubomirski, Field Hetman and Marshal of the Crown, Andrzej Morsztyn, Crown Referendary, Władysław Rej, Crown Treasurer and Queen’s Chancellor and Jan Gniński, Chamberlain of Pomerania. There is probably no coincidence that these people were committed to the Queen Mary Louise and supported the reforms, as well as the French faction at the court; moreover, in order to avoid the danger of an interregnum they were willing to agree to the election vivente rege. Later, however, it turned out that such »a good Republican« governor, Leszczynski, and Hetman Lubomirski supported the defenders of the existing system in the framework of the Austrian fraction. The Swedish side was Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie (son of Jacob Pontusson), Chancellor Bengt (Benedict) Gabrielsson Oxenstierna,[9] Count Carl von Christopher Schlippenbach and Andreas Gyldenklou, the Royal Advisor. Austria was represented by the diplomats Francis Charles, Count de Kollowrath and Franz von Lisola. The diplomats Baron Johann von Hoverbeck, Lorenz Christoph von Somnitz and the lawyer Albert von Ostau represented the Elector of Brandenburg. Somnitz had negotiated the Treaty of Wehlau (1657) that gave Friedrich Wilhelm full sovereignty over the territory of Prussia. Denmark was represented for part of the negotiations by Christopher de Parsberg.

  4

I will not attempt to analyze this treaty, let alone the situation of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the mid-seventeenth century. My object is to indicate in the form of archival 'choice' official sources (manuscripts) that are available at the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw and that relate to the treaty and its guarantees. We should not forget that not only the written word, but also the printed one had a role to play – for example, Europaeum Theatrum, Volume 8 (1657-1660), or official 'press' publications. A manuscript from the Zaluski Library Aurora pacis Diarium pacificationis Oliviensis by Joachim Pastorius, secretary of the Polish Legation, was published one hundred years later by Johann Gottlob Boehmius (Böhme) in two volumes Acta Pacis Oliviensis, inedita (Wroclaw 1763 and 1766). The first volume – dedicated to King Augustus III – contains a diary and documents underlying the subsequent provisions of the Treaty. The second volume includes Swedish, Danish and Courland’s diaries describing the negotiations in Oliva. Documents scattered in several volumes of Elementa ad Fontium Editiones show the extent of this subject and allow a better understanding of some mechanisms, for example the activities of the Queen.

  5

The negotiations had been in preparation since 1656, when Antoine de Lumbres[10] came to Poland in summer. It is easy to guess that France was behind this decision. Since the Peace of Westphalia France was allied with Sweden, and Cardinal Mazarini wanted his Scandinavian ally to engage in competition with the Habsburgs in another theater of war, i.e. the Spanish Netherlands. Recognizing the Westphalia Treaty, Austria did not initially want to interfere in the Polish-Swedish affairs other than merely as a mediator. Ultimately, the military aid[11] which was granted in no way affected the provisions of that treaty, although the Viennese (von Lisola) were aware that if Sweden controlled the Baltic south coast and got support from the Protestant princes, the emperor's position would be in danger and even the Habsburg territories might be attacked.[12] The opening of negotiations dragged on because of obduracy of the parties (Sweden’s devastating looting and attitude to the Catholic religion). Nevertheless, de Lumbres persisted in his efforts and finally in 1658, he gave the Polish King John II Casimir a declaration of peace prepared by the King of Sweden. The Swedish King demanded guarantees, among others, that the Polish throne would not be ascended to by any enemy of Sweden (a representative from the Habsburg or Romanov Family) in the event of King John II Casimir’s childless death.

  6

The parties entered into discussions in Torun as early as March 1659, and this dialogue was continued. The Congress occurred in autumn 1659, after the Treaty of the Pyrenees had been signed between France and Spain (the Spanish Habsburgs) on November 7th, 1659.

The royal court came to Gdansk[13] by December 19, 1659, (the Queen was in Gdansk on the 26th of December[14] ), and stayed there until May 4.[15] On May 12th, 1660, the King was already in Torun, and no later than May 18th he came to Warsaw.[16] During the negotiations, Sweden was still ruled by the belligerent King Charles X Gustav, who died unexpectedly at age 38 on February 13th /23rd 1660 in Gothenburg.[17] The participants of the congress learnt a bout the King’s death after a delay of a month – between March 17th and 23rd – which underscores the problems of winter navigation in the Baltic Sea. Peace talks were finalized within the next two months.

  7

After the treaty[18] had been agreed by the parties on May 3rd, 1660, the convocatio took care of its ratification in Warsaw on June 26th, 1660. Three weeks earlier on June 6th, 1660, Swedes and Danes signed a peace treaty in Copenhagen, which meant pacification of the southern Baltic coast starting in Denmark, by Holstein and Schleswig, Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Prussia and Warmia [Ermland], to Courland and Livonia. This peace could also have been added to the Oliva Treaty (in accordance with Article XXXI of the Oliva Treaty).
For the Poles, the hot spots during ratification of the treaty were renouncing of Livonia to Dzwina River (in fact Sweden had Livonia since September 12th, 1635,[19] when the truce was concluded for 26 years in Sztumska Wieś - the Treaty of Stuhmsdorf) and relinquishment of all rights to Elblag city in favor of Friedrich Wilhelm, Elector of Brandenburg.

  8

The Treaty provided for the determination of guarantors. In accordance with Article XXXVI these were the King of France, the King of Spain, and, for Poland, the King of England and the States of Holland (Staten van Holland), while the Swedish party appointed all the German electors and princes of the Holy Roman Empire. In this situation, although the official name of the Oliva Treaty is the Polish-Swedish treaty, one should not be surprised that a copy of this treaty is stored in the Archives du Ministère des Affaires ètrangères under the name »Traités Multilatèraux« (the treaty’s article XXII is an agreement between the Emperor and the Swedes, and articles XXIX-XXX between the Elector of Brandenburg and the Swedes). It is worth stressing that this treaty covers a very wide territory, many sites (9) and the guarantors (5). The publishers of a website dedicated to European treaties – Institut für Europäische Geschichte Mainz (IEG): Europäische Friedensverträge der Vormoderne – found as many as 18 copies of this treaty in various European archives: Poland (AGAD), Sweden (Riksarkivet), Germany (Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem and Landesarchiv Schleswig) and in France. If we add to this number of treaty copies the number of erratum we get over 20 copies (AGAD - 2; Riksarkivet - 11; Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem - 10). In fact, there were (and are) more copies of the Oliva Treaty than enumerated above. Basic text Instrumentum pacis of May 3rd 1660, agreed by the commissioners, written in Latin (with errors) was prepared in five copies for Poland, Sweden, Brandenburg and the Holy Roman Empire. In addition, there are one copy for France, the lists of errors (of August 1660), the ratifications by the rulers (in Poland also by the Diet [Sejm]), and guarantors’ documents. The Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw preserves documents that have not yet been covered by the project Friedensverträge der Europäische Vormoderne, i.e., papers of the Elector of Brandenburg commissioners, the Swedish ratification, accession to the Treaty by Leopold I (see appendix).  In the Archives in Vienna one would likely find documents issued by and for the Habsburgs.

  9

My aim while writing this paper is to present specific archival point of view on the Oliva Treaty. Not coincidentally, I mentioned the Treaty of Westphalia as I wanted to draw attention to a very interesting website of the Treaty of Westphalia – Acta Pacis Westphalicae – containing versions of this treaty in different languages and critical publications.[20] The creation of an analogous website for the 350-year-old Oliva Treaty is worth considering, in particular since we are able to add the digital images that allow users to compare readings with the original. It would also be a complement to the publication of the Treaty of Oliva made in the context of the project Friedensverträge der Europäische Vormoderne.

Last but not least, as an archivist, I feel obliged to draw your attention to the Article IX of the Treaty. It was very innovative at the time because it was concerned with the return of the archives and the kings’ library.

  10

(Translated by Anna Matejak)

ANNEX

Selection of documents from the Central Archives of Historical Records
in Warsaw (AGAD)

1660.05.03, Oliva
Swedish commissioners make peace with John II Casimir, the Polish King, Leopold I, Emperor, and Frederick William, Margrave of Brandenburg. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5611

Internet publication:
www.dziedzictwo.polska.pl

1660.05.03, Oliva
Brandenburgian commissioners sign peace in Oliva in Elector of Brandemburg name. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5531

1660.06.14, Sztokholm
Charles XI King of Sweden writes a letter of congratulation on the occasion of signing the peace treaty (Latin)
AGAD, AKW, Swedish 11b/157

1660.06.12
Outer page from 2 letters from Swedish Senators to Polish Senators on the occasion of the conclusion of the peace (Latin)
AGAD, AKW, Swedish 11b/158b

1660.07.12, Gratz
Holy Roman Emperor Leopold I of Habsburg joins the Swedish-Polish Peace of Oliva, as an ally of Poland. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5618

1660.07.19, Warszawa
A draft of the King of Poland John II Casimir’s letter to foreign courts with consent that the Spanish King Philip IV and the French King Louis XIV guarantee the Treaty of Oliva. (Latin)
AGAD, AKW, Swedish 11b/161a

1660.07.24, Sztokholm
Charles XI of Sweden, Queen Hedwig Eleonora and the Senate ratify
 the Treaty of Oliva confirming power of attorney of October 17th 1659 and March 4th, 1660 (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5610

1660.08.
Antoine de Lumbres, a delegate of the French King, accepts the statement of the Swedish delegate that he has understood the text of the Treaty. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5513

1660.08.16, Gdańsk
A draft of invitation to Charles II of England and Philip IV of Spain with request to become the guarantors of the Oliva treaty (Latin)
AGAD, AKW, Swedish 11b/165

1660.08.16
The list of errors in the ratification copies of the Treaty of Oliva, concluded by the commission. A Polish - the Swedish copy. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5503

1660.08.16
The list of errors in the ratification copies of the Treaty of Oliva, concluded by the commission. A Brandenaburg copy. (Latin)

AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5504

1660.08.16
The list of errors in the ratification copies of the Treaty of Oliva, concluded by the commission. The Emperor’s copy. (Polish)

AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5505

1660.08.16, Coloniae ad Spream [currently part of the city of Berlin]
Friedrich Wilhelm I, Elector of Brandenburg, and elector etc. accepts Philip IV, King of Spain, as the guarantor of peace concluded in Oliva. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 208

1660.09.22, Paris
Louis XIV, King of France, joins the Peace of Oliva, giving his guarantee under the repeated text of the Treaty. (Latin)
AGAD, A collection of parchment documents no. 5511
Internet publication:
www.dziedzictwo.polska.pl

Literatur

FROST, Robert I.: After the Deluge. Poland-Lithuania and the Second Northern War 1655-1660, Cambridge 1993.

PIWARSKI, Kazimierz: Rywalizacja francusko-austriacka o wpływy w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1655-1660. in: Karol Koranyi u.a. (Hg.): Polska w okresie drugiej wojny północnej 1655-1660, Warszawa 1957.

PRIBRAM, Alfred Francis (Hg.): Die Berichte des kaiserliches Gesandten Franz von Lisola aus den Jahren 1655-1666. Wien 1887.

Volumina legum 4: Ab anno 1641 ad annum 1668, Petersburg 1859.

WÓJCIK, Zbigniew: Traktaty polsko-austriackie z drugiej połowy XVII wieku. Warszawa 1985.

WÓJCIK, Zbigniew: Jan Kazimierz Waza. Wrocław 1997.

LHOMEL, Georges (Hg.): Relationes de Antoine de Lumbres ambassadeur en Pologne et en Allemagne, Paris 1912.

 

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